Since the Syrian Transitional Government (STG) took over power, the situation of women in Syria has undergone dramatic upheavals. Although significant progress has been made in areas controlled by the Autonomous Democratic Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), the current regime favours a conservative, patriarchal, even repressive approach to restricting women’s rights. An analysis of the policies implemented by the STG and the impact of recent changes on women highlights an alarming situation, in which the gains of the women’s revolution are under greater threat than ever before.
A setback in the shadow of patriarchy
The historical and political context in Syria has always been dominated by a deeply entrenched patriarchal system. Since the introduction of the Personal Status Code in 1953, Syrian women’s rights have been considerably restricted, particularly regarding divorce, child custody, and participation in public life. Although reforms were implemented during the revolution and the DAANES period that guaranteed rights such as gender equality before the law, access to justice and political participation, the STG’s seizure of power posed a real threat to these advances.
In March 2025, the Syrian government adopted a provisional constitution which, whilst proclaiming gender equality for the sake of its international image, reaffirms a traditional family model and adopts Islamic jurisprudence as its legislative foundation. This approach prevents any truly progressive reform and reinforces gender inequalities. This regression stands in stark contrast to the progress made under the DAANES, where women were able to enjoy new freedoms, such as equal participation in politics and the military under the co-presidency system, access to economic training, expanded rights regarding marriage and divorce, as well as structures aimed at combating gender-based and sexual violence. These achievements are part of the constitution (People’s Contract) and protected by women’s self-defense forces YPJ. The program under which the DAANES was established stands in deep contrast to the one currently being implemented by the Syrian transitional government. This contrast is most evident when it comes to women’s rights.
Under the agreement reached between the two forces on 29 January, the structures in north-eastern Syria are to be integrated into the Syrian state. The future of the autonomous women’s structures and their achievements is therefore uncertain. Whilst they have become autonomous subjects and leaders in the DAANES region, they are set to be forced back into the patriarchal roles in the new Syria.
The YPJ is a guardian of women’s rights, because when the achievements of the women’s revolution come under attack, it is their forces who defend them.
Its future is currently under discussion. As well as that of women in the security forces (Asayish-Jin) who are working autonomously. Even if women may eventually be able to join the army or police ranks, the YPJ remains a vital force. It embodies a female-centred style of struggle and is a key component of self-defence against patriarchy.
An increase in gender-based violence
Under the HTS and STG regimes, gender-based violence has intensified significantly. Strict control over women, particularly regarding their clothing and behaviour, has become a central pillar of this regression. In July, the Syrian government imposed a restrictive “dress code”, forcing women to cover themselves, banning clothing deemed “too tight”, and requiring them to wear the burkini on beaches. This restriction on women’s right to control their own bodies fosters a climate of fear and repression, where arbitrary arrests are becoming increasingly frequent. After the STG gained control over Tabqa in January of this year, the full-face veil (niqab) was immediately introduced there.
Human rights organisations, such as Amnesty International, have documented alarming cases of the abduction of women, particularly those belonging to religious minorities, such as the Alawites. Reports of enforced disappearances, abductions and rapes are ideological acts, based on the notion of ‘raping the defeated side’ and aimed at sowing terror among Alawite women, who are regarded as ‘sabaya’ (a term meaning captives, used by certain Islamist and jihadist extremists to refer to women treated as sex slaves). The Syrian government, however, has downplayed these incidents, addressing only a fraction of the cases and dismissing the majority of reports. The spokesperson for the Ministry of the Interior, Nour al-Din al-Baba, described only one case as a “genuine abduction”, arguing that the others were “voluntary absconding”, “stays with relatives or friends”, “escapes linked to domestic violence”, “false statements on social media”, or even “involvement in prostitution and extortion”. According to an internal source, the majority of those responsible for this violence are members of the security forces, which explains the government’s attempt to downplay the facts and reveals the extent of systemic violence against women as well as the true nature of the STG.
The exclusion of women from the political spheres
One of the key features of this new regime is the blatant exclusion of women from decision-making processes and general participation in societal or political processes. Although women play a central role in managing emergencies and humanitarian crises, they are virtually absent from political and legislative spheres. The current Syrian government includes just one woman in its ranks, and during the constitutional negotiations, only 6% of participants were women. Furthermore, rhetoric in favour of women’s equality has not been followed by concrete measures, and no legislation has been introduced to establish genuine equality.
The exclusion of women is not limited to the government: in many trade unions, political parties and civil society organisations, their representation remains marginal. In Syria, only 8% of civil society organisations focus specifically on women’s issues. This reflects a deeply entrenched patriarchy, where women are relegated to peripheral roles, and where, when they are brought to the fore, it is often for image-building purposes.
Women at a crossroads: The economic impact
The impact of the war on Syrian women has been exacerbated by the economic crisis, in which they often find themselves solely responsible for their families’ survival. Indeed, over 600,000 people have died in the civil war, mainly young men, leaving their wives and families facing uncertainty, economic insecurity and a total lack of legal recourse. According to the data, nearly 90% of the Syrian population lives below the poverty line, and the opening of the economy to the global market has led to a sharp increase in the prices of basic necessities. For example, filling a water tank now costs $10, compared to around 20 cents previously. Since the end of subsidies for the prices of bread, which used to cost 100 Syrian pounds, now costs 5,000 Syrian pounds, further exacerbating the difficulties women face in providing for their households. The wives of those missing as a direct result of the conflict find themselves in a particularly vulnerable situation, as Syrian law prevents them from being legally recognised as widows. This imposes numerous obstacles on them, particularly regarding inheritance or access to their husbands’ family assets.
the Syrian transitional government – a major setback for women
Syria stands at a crossroads where women’s rights are at stake. Whilst the progress made under the DAANES laid the foundations for a more egalitarian model of society, the counter-revolution following the seizure of power by HTS and their jihadist allies highlights the major challenges facing Syrian women. Change will only be possible if women’s organisations continue to make their voices heard and organise themselves, following the example of the YPJ, Kongra Star and the women’s organisations of the DAANES. However, faced with a capitalist, authoritarian and patriarchal government backed by US imperialism and its reactionary allies in the region, the emancipation of women in Syria seems more uncertain than ever.
All women in Syria should have the right to enjoy the gains for which women in Rojava began their struggle 14 years ago.
The achievements achieved there must also be built upon to develop a system of women’s liberation and gender equality across the whole country and Middle East.
sources: https://www.theamargi.com/posts/womens-rights-at-stake-in-syrias-integration-agreement
https://verifiednewsonline.com/i-would-scream-in-my-sleep-women-from-syrias-alawite-minority-tell-of-kidnap-and-rape/ https://giwps.georgetown.edu/conflict-tracker/country/syria/
