On the occasion of Kobanê’s Liberation Day on January 26

1- Against the backdrop of far-reaching crises and conflicts in the Middle East, the revolution in Rojava emerged as an anti-colonial, gender-just, and democratic alternative. The uprising of the peoples of Syria, as part of the popular revolts in North Africa and the Middle East, was quickly transformed into a reactionary civil war through the intervention of imperialist powers. In this reactionary civil war, the Kurdish people—drawing on the military strength of the guerrilla and long-standing political work among Kurdish workers in Rojava/Northeast Syria—filled the resulting vacuum. From the very beginning, the significance and influence of Rojava extended far beyond the physical boundaries of the three cantons of Afrin, Kobane, and Cizire. Rojava was not “just” Rojava. It is the first revolution of the new century to address the question of power in favor of the working peoples. For more than 14 years, it has struggled to survive and to safeguard the achievements of the revolution.

2- The internationalist character of the revolution has been a defining feature since July 19, 2012. Politically, the revolution was won as an anti-colonial democratic revolution of the Kurdish people, but from the outset it also defended a popular-democratic program for the other peoples of the region. In addition, the Kurdish people mobilized their entire political, military, and organizational experience and lessons from struggles in all four parts of Kurdistan in Rojava. Even before the revolution, the guerrilla had already united forces from all four parts in its ranks. With the revolution, young people from all four parts joined the defense of the revolution. Internationalist-communist and revolutionary-democratic parties and organizations also took part in its defense. In particular, Turkish and Arab revolutionaries assumed important military and political roles in building the structures of revolutionary leadership and organization.

3- The attack by ISIS on Kobane, with the support of the Turkish state, and the defense of the city were without doubt the most important turning point of the revolution—and, with it, of the solidarity movement. Every revolution can only assert itself through struggle against the counterrevolution that grows as its counterpart. ISIS represented the counterrevolutionary pole to the revolution. For this reason, the Kurdish popular-democratic achievements became the primary target of the political-Islamist fascist gangs and the Turkish state. The defense of Kobane became the spearhead of the struggle against political-Islamist and fascist reaction in the region. Thousands crossed the colonial borders of the Turkish state and joined the resistance. Internationalist youth from all over the world defended “their” revolution. Later, these forces organized themselves in the International Freedom Battalion (IFB) and other formations. Kurdish women defended the women’s revolution against the most reactionary form of patriarchy. At the same time, solidarity movements emerged worldwide. Solidary and practical internationalism became an important front in the defense of the revolution.

4- Since then, the solidarity movement with Rojava/Northeast Syria has been one of the most dynamic movements in Europe—though with a tendency toward weakening. The occupation war in Afrin led to the formation of many committees and platforms, but also resulted in moral losses. The war in Serekaniye, the withdrawal of the SDF, and the visible relationship with the United States led to fractures within the movement. These developments were compounded by global political escalations and growing responsibilities in activists’ countries of origin. An idealistic and sterile relationship to political tasks, combined with a weak connection to the real problems of the revolution, led to a loss of mobilization.

5- In the face of the Turkish colonial threat, diplomatic efforts gained increasing weight. In Rojava/Northeast Syria, tendencies emerged that weakened internal mobilization. These tendencies intensified after the change of power in Damascus in 2024 and the ongoing process involving A. Öcalan and the Turkish state. The liquidationist attacks on Rojava, this process, and the war since the occupation of North Aleppo sharpened the fronts and made clear that the achievements of the revolution must be defended against the West and the reactionary states.

6- Today, the solidarity movement is once again growing in the face of the danger of the complete liquidation of Kurdish achievements. Kobane is once again facing the threat of a war of aggression. A second Kobane resistance is emerging and will determine the future of the peoples of the region. What is decisive now is the strengthening of practical solidarity with the institutions and peoples of Rojava, the mobilization of the working-class and left-wing movement, and the exposure and active opposition to the support given to the HTS regime by Western states.