As we are on the ground in North Eastern Syria, we had to chance to interview Cemil Seydo, member of the general assembly of the Revolutionary Communist Movement in Rojava (TKŞ). In this interview, he gives an overview on the last events in North Eastern Syria and analyses these events politically.
“Whatever the future holds, we cannot separate ourselves from one another. As communists, we stand against any politics that puts all the blame on the DAANES. We are part of this society, part of its institutions, and we are fighting to defend them. We have fighters who fell as martyrs in recent weeks. Some comrades are still missing. We are part of this revolution — and we will continue to defend it.”
PB: What is your analysis of the recent events that unfolded in Syria?
In order to understand what has recently happened in NES/Rojava and in Syria, we need to look at history and understand the nature of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, but also how his dictatorship ended and how significant a role imperialist states such as the USA, the UK, and Israel played.
The Baath regime was undoubtedly a dictatorship that always acted against the Kurdish people on a colonial basis. Over the last 15 years, its policies have targeted all Syrian people: thousands of Syrian citizens have been killed, tortured in the regime’s prisons, or displaced. In the face of these massacres, the people resisted and tried to organize themselves. But the FSA (Free Syrian Army) structured itself in a way, and adopted political positions, that we could not support, so the DAANES (Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria) chose a third way — neither Bashar nor the FSA. This third-way project was based first and foremost on the will to protect our people and our regions. And we can say that, to a certain extent, it worked, because no external force was able to enter our territories.
After the fall of Bashar al-Assad, the intervention of the aforementioned imperialist countries did not stop — it intensified, in accordance with their long-standing plan to redesign the Middle East. The attacks on Hezbollah and the assassination of its leaders, the attempt to eradicate Hamas and seize all Palestinian territories — all of these operations are part of the same imperial strategy.
In Syria, instead of al-Assad, they imposed an even worse dictator at the head of the state — an Islamist with a jihadist past. Ahmed al-Sharaa, known as Jolani, is nothing more than a servant of imperialist interests. Since taking power, he has done nothing but fragment Syrian society along sectarian lines and unleash violence against his own population — through the massacres of Druze and Alawites, through the abduction of dozens of Alawite women who were later trafficked and sold in Idlib.
The attacks against the Druze began in the neighborhoods of Jaramana and Sahnaya, then continued in Suwayda — despite the existence of a ceasefire. Arab Bedouin tribes were mobilized to carry out these assaults, but a large number of STG (Syrian transitional gouverment) fighters were also involved, including foreign fighters. Many were killed. Women were raped.
Jolani has even paved the way for foreign occupation. Israel used the so-called “protection” of the Druze as a pretext to seize an even larger portion of Syrian territory in the south — and this expansion was made possible under his rule.
Jolani’s project is that of an ultra-centralized Syria: one language, one flag, one people. A Syria in which every community would be stripped of its right to self-defense and forced to surrender its weapons. This forced disarmament is precisely what made the massacre of the Alawites possible. They had handed over most of their weapons and were left unorganized, unable to resist.
In NES, we lived alongside all the different peoples. As TKS, as Rojava communists, we took our place in the revolution. We fought in many places. We gave many martyrs — from Dêrik to Afrin. We were also part of building the institutions of the AANES: hospitals, the Asayish forces, the intelligence services, and more. Many comrades contributed with their knowledge — doctors, for example — actively participating in the revolutionary process.
We fought against the attacks of the fascist Turkish state — against its warplanes and heavy weaponry. Its aim was clear: to annihilate the organized Kurdish people. And when it was Jolani’s turn to attack our regions, the imperialists once again stood at his side.
Throughout the last year, certain agreements were concluded with the STG, like in Sheikh Maqsud, for example. Communication channels were opened, but Damascus consistently evaded its commitments and violated the agreements. Why? Because the objective was always the same: to dismantle the AANES and destroy the Kurdish people.
Jolani was, of course, backed by the Turkish state. It is clear that he does not act independently. They would hold discussions with us, then immediately turn to Hakan Fidan to receive instructions. This reveals who truly pulls the strings.
Then, at the beginning of 2026, the assault began against Sheikh Maqsud (kr. Şêxmeqsûd) and Ashrafiyeh (kr. Eşrefiyê) in Aleppo. A great resistance unfolded there — but the world closed its eyes. They attacked with 80 tanks, artillery shelling, drones, and thousands of fighters. On our side, only a small number of fighters stood against this massive force and made the conscious decision to resist. They said they would either live with dignity or not live at all. As the neighborhood was falling, an agreement was eventually reached to evacuate our forces. This attack on the Aleppo neighborhoods was enabled by an international conspiracy [a green light given during the Paris meeting between Syria, Israel, the United States, and Turkey].
After that, they attacked Deir Hafer and Maskana. And while a ceasefire had been agreed upon and our forces were withdrawing, STG forces launched a treacherous attack against them. With the backing of imperialist states, they continued their offensive on other regions, forcing us to retreat from Tabqa, Raqqa, and Deir ez-Zor. Now we defend the Kurdish cities. We have drawn our red line clearly. We will not retreat any further.
PB: What is your analysis of the agreement that was reached between the SDF/AANES and the STG on January 29?
Clearly, it is not enough for our people. After 16,000 martyrs and while some of our cities — Afrin, Serêkaniyê, and Girê Spî — are still under occupation, no agreement can be considered sufficient. But at the very least, we were able to prevent a large-scale massacre.
What matters is this: in order to halt these attacks, the Kurdish people united. That unity was decisive. And we hope that through our continued work and organization, we will be able to strengthen ourselves — to defend our achievements, to rebuild the political existence of the Kurdish people, and to reconstruct a genuine form of federation.
We are not naive. We see clearly the major risks and the serious threats that this agreement carries for the people and for the revolution. But under the given conditions, it was a necessary step to stop the bloodshed — because the objective of our enemies was clear: to massacre the Kurdish people.
PB: On January 18, the STG declared that it had reached an agreement with the SDF, but this was rejected by Mazlum Abdi and the leadership of the SDF/DAANES, and a call was made for armed resistance and global mobilization. Were you expecting the massive mobilization that came from the people?
When the January 18 agreement was announced, we immediately said it was not enough. From that moment, war was declared — and so was mobilization.
Everyone went out into the streets, many moved toward the front. People made a conscious decision to resist, saying there was no other choice if we wanted to prevent the elimination of the Kurdish people.
I had strong confidence in the Kurdish people’s capacity for resistance. The presence of international powers like the US or the coalition was no longer the issue. The decision was to rely on ourselves — to resist with our own strength, to stop the attacks of the Jolani government until the last drop of blood in our veins.
We did not initially think that the war would reach our cities. But it did, because of this international conspiracy. So we organized our people accordingly. Some families sent their children to other cities for protection but everyone who was able to fight stood ready to resist, alongside the SDF, YPG, and YPJ. For their own safety, our comrades that were living and working in Raqqa headed to the Jazeera region and they are continuing to organize the people in this area.
A historic unity emerged among the Kurdish people from all parts of Kurdistan. Many fell as martyrs — including youth from Bashur, such as Ahmed Hemîn.
PB: What can you say about Kurdish unity? And about the role of international mobilization?
The defense of Rojava was only possible because of Kurdish unity. Without it, we would not have been able to hold the line.
Some regions reacted more quickly than others. Bashur responded rapidly; many young people from there joined the resistance without hesitation.
Perhaps we could have expected stronger resistance from Bakur. But even there, youth reached the border, crossed it, tore down the Turkish flag. That was a clear political message.
The fall of Rojava would mean the fall of Bashur. Because the Turkish state’s strategy is now explicit: to eliminate any form of Kurdish autonomy anywhere. This is something the Kurdish people understood. And from every part of Kurdistan, they rose up.
PB: Can you elaborate on Turkey’s will to destroy Kurdish autonomy in Iraq?
Turkey regrets that a Kurdish autonomy exists so close to its border. Bashur is now under a major threat from Turkey. At the same time, Turkey is investing enormous energy in building the new commercial Silk Road.
The era in which Turkey used Bashur against the guerrilla is over. Of course, this change in orientation has not been fully enforced yet. While Turkey prepares for its long-term plans, it is simultaneously trying to reinforce the ENKS (Kurdish National Council in Syria – KDP uproot in Syria) and influence internal politics in Rojava.
At one point, the Kurdistan Regional Government considered sending Peshmerga forces into Syria to defend Rojava. But Turkey threatened them with strikes if they did, and these military forces were blocked from entering. Most of the young people who joined the mobilization from Bashur were civilians, not soldiers.
This new threat from Turkey toward Bashur comes also from a shift in the KRG’s orientation, which has strengthened its diplomatic relations to support Rojava. The KRG (Kurdistan Regional Gouverment) even hosted meetings between the SDF/DAANES and European powers, including France and the UK.
PB: How do you see the role played by Bashur and the Barzani clan (leaders of the KDP and the KRG) in Rojava recently ?
Many people in Rojava saw and perceived the role played by Bashur in the last events (with declarations, humanitarian support, popular participation in the mobilization etc). Sympathy for this party has grown, the Kurdistan flag — Ala Rengîn, usually associated with Bashur — has been raised more frequently on the houses and in the demonstrations. Of course, the Ala Rengîn is a historical flag with legitimacy, but the growing support for this party and its increasing presence in Rojava is part of a deliberate plan by Turkey and the US. They want the ENKS to play a bigger role and serve their interests. For example, they want the ENKS to propose candidates for certain positions in the Syrian state, thereby gaining more influence.
Their goal is clear: a feudal, capitalist government that opposes the federalist project. They want a Rojava that would resemble Bashur. In Bashur, the government is feudal, clan-based, and clientelist — not democratic like the one in Rojava. Everything revolves around one family. Elections are controlled, and all power and profits are concentrated in the hands of the Barzani clan.
PB: Many Kurdish people in Rojava express feelings of distrust towards Arab people, saying that the democratic confederalist project of people’s brotherhood has failed, or that they only want to protect Kurdish interests from now on. What is your analysis of this topic?
As communists, we say that we cannot escape or deny the fraternity of the people. For thousands of years, we have lived together in the Middle East — Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Armenians. This is exactly the plan of the imperialist states: to divide us, to incite war between the people.
It is true that in the last month, our people are angry — angry because of betrayals by Arab tribes and others, because of these attacks. But as communists, we insist on the fraternity of the people. Thousands of Arab martyrs have fallen throughout the revolution.
If we look back in history, we also see attempts to instill hatred — like the events in Qamislo in 2004, and in 2011–2012. Even then, some Kurdish politicians made it clear: our problem is not with Arabs as a people, but with the Baathist Arab regime.
Whether we like it or not, the agreement now exists. Our military forces are integrated under the Ministry of Interior. We will have to defend the Syrian land as a whole. For us, it does not matter whether the land is Kurdish or Arab. What we cannot accept is the racism of the government. We need a system that respects all communities. We have shed too much blood for this to be forgotten.
As communists, we can never abandon the principle of the fraternity of the people.
Yes, people are angry. Yes, there have been betrayals. But even now, there are still Arab tribes and individuals among us who continue to support the project.
PB: Still, could you analyze the mistakes that were made in the effort to build the federation system in NES?
Imperialist states always attacked the revolutions and the revolutionaries. The Turkish state, Jolani, and the US provoked this assault on the people. They are the ones who enabled this betrayal to happen — it was their aim.
Some imperialist powers wanted us to fight against Hashd al-Shaabi (Iranian militias in Iraq). We refused. We told them clearly that we would not become mercenaries — like the SNA brigades (Syrian National Army, Turkey’s former proxy force in Syria), who are paid to fight in other countries, as they did in Azerbaijan. That is why Jolani was authorized to strike us and attempt to destroy the revolution.
Arab tribes were bought to turn against the DAANES and the SDF, but many were also legitimately fearful after the attacks on Aleppo neighborhoods. Some tribes, like the Shammar, refused to participate in the fighting and decided only to defend their own territories.
Mistakes were made in certain cities, and some approaches were wrong. Criticism has been voiced. But on the other side some regrets have already emerged among Arab tribes in Raqqa and Deir ez-Zor, especially after the recent waves of killings and infighting in their cities.
Whatever the future holds, we cannot separate ourselves from one another. As communists, we stand against any politics that puts all the blame on the DAANES. We are part of this society, part of its institutions, and we are fighting to defend them. We have fighters who fell as martyrs in recent weeks. Some comrades are still missing. We are part of this revolution — and we will continue to defend it.
PB: Do you think it is possible to rebuild this friendship between the peoples, and if yes, how?
Blood has been spilled together. Some people will come to recognize the historical bond they share with the Kurdish people. For a revolution to succeed, everyone must be part of it — otherwise, it cannot succeed.
As communists, we believe that unity can be rebuilt on a class basis — through the solidarity of the oppressed: workers, peasants, and oppressed people. We are friends of all these peoples, and true unity must grow from this foundation.
Many Arabs from poorer backgrounds fought alongside us in the war, gave their lives as martyrs, and were wounded. They will not abandon this friendship.
PB: How do you see the upcoming times, with the implementation of the agreement, and the return of Kurdish displaced people to Afrin and Serêkaniyê?
This agreement was made to organize the return of people to their lands. Some have returned to Afrin, but not with our will — some through the ENKS or other organizations. Work is underway to ensure that people return to Afrin and Serêkaniyê with dignity and security.
The point is not to have them live under Jolani’s rule, which would deny the history of these cities. Our Asayish forces, alongside the regime’s forces only on the outskirts, should ensure security. After eight years of displacement, returning under STG control — with the same militias and Turkish forces that committed countless crimes in these occupied areas — is unacceptable. We want guarantees for the people’s safe return.
This topic is being actively discussed. Ilham Ahmed has said: “We give our promise to bring back the people as we want.” The people also want to rebuild their civil organizations and institutions.
In Jazeera, our institutions continue to function, and we will not hand them over to Jolani. Some administrative offices, such as passport services, will have to be managed jointly, but not everything. Kongra Star (the women’s umbrella organization) must continue its work. These institutions exist to protect the life and existence of the people.
Until now, nothing has been formally decided about handing over institutions. Mazlum Abdi recently stated that only a few personnel will be present at the Semalka crossing point for passport checks; otherwise, everything else will remain under our control.
For Afrin and Serêkaniyê, the situation is more difficult, because many organizations and institutions no longer exist. We hope that our people will fight to protect women’s rights, their language, and will organize themselves to rebuild these institutions from the ground up.
PB: Are you not fearing that political repression will prevent the continuity of institutions and organizations, since, for example, some Kurdish media outlets did not receive official recognition or work authorization in Damascus?
We are aware of the risks, but we are not afraid. Some institutions and organizations are still under discussion, and we do not yet know what will be officially accepted. However, the main aim of the agreement was to stop the massacres — and that has been achieved.
The next step is to continue building our institutions, maintain our organizations, and strengthen our resistance. Our work continues, and we adapt. Our focus is on defending the people, preserving our institutions, and ensuring that the revolution’s achievements are not erased.
PB: Did you receive support from Syrian organizations or individuals outside of Rojava since the attacks started? Do you have relations with specific organizations?
Yes, we have ongoing relationships with socialist parties in Syria, as well as with Alawite groups working for the workers and peasants. We are in discussions with them and actively participate in congresses and forums.
Support from civil society in Syria has also been expressed, though many people didn’t dare to do public declarations due to the fear of repression. Druze and Alawite communities expressed solidarity through public declarations, as did certain political figures. Even in Europe, Syrians political opponents such as Haytham Manna and Rami Abdurrahman have shown their support.
Despite fear of repression, people
also
came out in Kurdish neighborhoods in Damascus to demonstrate their solidarity. While organizing demonstrations and gatherings was difficult, the commitment of ordinary citizens showed that support for our struggle extends beyond Rojava.
Glossary: FSA: Free Syrian Army, found in 2011, a former broad alliance of opposition militias that quickly fell under Turkeys influence, it was continued in part by the SNA
STG: Syrian Transitional Gouverment, transitional government that emerged from the HTS and was officially proclaimed on March 29, 2025.
DAANES: Democratic Autonomous Administration North Eastern Syria, official name of the Rojava Administration
SDF: Syrian Democratic Forces, military forces of the autonomous administration
Bashur: kurdish for south, southern part of kurdistan (North Iraq)
Bakur: kurdish for north, northern part of kurdistan (South-east of Turkey)
ENKS: Encûmena Niştimanî ya Kurdî li Sûriyê, Kurdish National Council in Syria – KDP uproot in Syria
KRG: Kurdistan Regional Gourverment, Semi-autonomous region that was officially recognized in 2005. The US supported its creation.
Hashd al-Shaabi: Popular Mobilization Forces, Iranian-influenced Shiite militia active in Iraq
SNA: Syrian National Army, Former proxy of the Turkish state. The SNA is not a unified organization, but rather a collection of numerous Turkmen and Arab militias. It was incorporated into the Syrian army in 2025.
Kongra Star: Star Congress, women’s umbrella organization found 2005 in Syria
